whether they were violently deposed or peacefully
died in office or retirement, end up being judged more
harshly by posterity. No-one, I hope, would think of
advertising a Pinochet or Battista as a model leader to
students.
The upshot is that leadership is by no means an ab-
solute ideal, contrary to the many educational pro-
grams and mission statements that brandish its virtues
unconditionally. Likewise, respect for the dominant
authority—state-mediated, corporate, religious, or oth-
erwise organised—is not an unconditional virtue. I feel
this obvious truth requires restating because the
differences between 'good' and 'bad' leadership, mor-
ally legitimate laws and those that perpetuate
injustice, government by the people and government
by plutocrats, are blurred by the corporate media and
entertainment industries to the extent that raises
some concerns about the effects of their message in
the consciousness of future generations. This is why
the Mandelas of history are so eminently important:
they are the counterexamples; they show us what
true leadership should and could be, and that bad
leaders are worth fighting against. The absence of
good leadership gives rise to business-as-usual sce-
narios that range from the noxious (when highly
educated Saudi women rely on their chauffeurs and
do not think twice about injustice) to the horrific
(when entire communities lynch homosexual men in
Uganda). And its presence visibly elevates human
security from a descriptive parameter to a normative
criterion of moral excellence—the criterion that
distinguishes good leadership. Witness its status as a
popular ideal in present-day South Africa.
Counter-hegemonic leadership, of course, attracts
formidable risks. During the second week of February
2013 a mullah in Yemen spoke out publicly against Al
Qaida. A day later, when he and two other members
of his congregation were meeting with two Al Qaida
members to discuss the issue, all five were incinerated
by a US drone attack. Which side their families are
rooting for now seems predictable. The risks are
obvious with other numerous examples of counter-
hegemonic leadership—the wikileakers and whistle-
blowers, the FEMEN women in front of the Saudi
embassy in Davos, the Pussyriot activists in Moscow.
Not even the boycott of the mainstream media can
obfuscate the idealistic accomplishments, personal risks,
and excellent leadership shown in these examples.
In contrast, the primary reason for the absence of
leadership is its attractiveness to the multitudes of the
risk averse. This gives rise to the phenomenon of
immoral consensus, where ordinary people conform
with views and practices that clearly contradict their
own values. Immoral consensus sometimes goes as
far as making people refrain from showing support for
leaders who dare protest its injustice, even within the
private circles of friends and families, and even
making a show of disparaging and ridiculing those
leaders in public. The phenomenon was and is
particularly evident with examples of unconventional
moral leadership shown by abolitionists of slavery,
suffragettes demanding the vote for women, animal
welfare activists protesting abuses in the food and
cosmetics industry, and protectors of the last stands
of old growth forests. Who has not heard of the dis-
paraging labels of nigger lovers, tomboys, treehuggers,
and worse? The absence of good leadership and
immoral consensus is what preserves the conversa-
tional buoyancy of such despicable labels.
The examples of absent leadership that I find
personally most vexing are those that result in the
abject failure of governance. At the municipal level
such failure is evident in my home town in the lack of
any community-owned recycling operation. At the
regional level it is commonly evident in the sell-out of
precious natural resources to overseas corporate takers
at prices that reflect neither their cultural value nor the
ecological costs of their extraction. At the national level
it is evident, for example, in the failure of govern-
ments to enact adequate protection of consumers
against harmful food products and additives, against
the interests of their corporate suppliers. Early in 2010
the New Zealand Labour Party, egged on by the Green
Party, proposed a bill prohibiting the supply of junk
food at schools. The ruling Conservatives defeated
this bill stating that it would interfere with free choice
—an ideal they have little respect for when it comes
to choices of GE-free food, of recreational drugs or
the choice to end one's life. The government refused
to take the lead on proactive health care, an undis-
puted human security good.
At the global level the absence of responsible lead-
ership seems quite the rule. The global trafficking in
arms, drugs and people can be effectively combatted
only through initiatives based on counter-hegemonic
leadership. Restraining the emission of greenhouse
gases and other pollutants, fairly distributing scarce
resources, testing and restriction of drugs and house-
hold chemicals, preventing human rights violations all
represent examples of human security regimes that
would best be facilitated by responsible global lead-
ership. Such leadership is also counter-hegemonic
because it threatens powerful entrenched interests.
Its absence presents as the intuitive explanation why
those projects are not making adequate progress.
Counterexamples where such leadership makes a
wealth of difference, as in the case of Captain Paul
Watson and his Sea Shepherds fighting ecocide and
cruel exploitation of the world's oceans, occur rarely
but shine brightly as examples of how much better a
place this world could be if we had more responsible
leadership.
The failure of responsible global governance some-
times takes grotesque proportions. Negotiations
continue among representatives of Norway, Denmark,
Canada, the US and Russia to align their maritime
boundaries according to the topology of continental
shelves in the Arctic ocean. At stake are vast deposits
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